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Humboldt Kolleg 2019 NIGERIA’S RESOURCE WARS


“Nigerian Army Deployed to States Rocked by Deadly Herdsmen Violence” (Africanews.com); “Dozens buried after Nigeria clashes” (joyonline); “End killings by Herdsmen Now, Ohaneze charges Buhari” (news2.onlinenigeria.com); “Declare Fulani herdsmen Terrorists Now Southern, Middlebelt Leaders charge Buhari” (dailypost.ng); “Mass Burial for 73 Nigerian farmers killed in Herder clashes” (Daily Monitor); and “Herdsmen killings: Fayose’s Utterances Capable of Tearing Nigerians Apart–DYCB” (dailypost.ng).

The above headlines poured into a single platform in less than sixty minutes on 12 January 2018, all reacting to the unrelenting killings that commenced from the Christmas of 2017 into the first ten days of 2018. The major killing fields were the Benue, Nasarawa and Adamawa axis. The grievance: Fulani herdsmen allegation of indigenous farmers refusal that they graze cattle on their farms.

Resource wars have raged in Nigeria for roughly two decades beginning with the Niger-Delta crisis in the 1990s. Pending its successful containment by the President Musa Yar’adua administration, the Boko Haram insurgency erupted. Despite the group’s insistence that they are on a religious war to expand the frontiers of Islam and establish caliphate rule, Nigerian
politicians, government officials and the world summarized their agitation as another resource-related conflict. After almost a decade of insurgency with thousands of lives lost, vast territories devastated and depopulated, infrastructures destroyed, and millions of Nigerians living in IDP camps, the trouble remains uncontained.

While Nigerians eagerly anticipated a strong leadership during its last electoral exercise in 2015 and voted in a former Army General, Muhammadu Buhari, for purposes of ensuring security across the length and breadth of the nation, among other pressing issues of national importance, the past two years have rather unfolded another resource-related emergency with grave security implications for Nigeria and Nigerians—the unprecedented increase in Fulani herdsmen harassments, molestations and killing of farmers and other citizens all over
the Nigerian Middle Belt, South-Western and South-Eastern Nigeria. Simply put, in regions below the North East and North West geopolitical zones.

Within the mesh of Boko Haram insurgency and Fulani herdsmen troubles, Niger Delta militants regrouped with the new name “Niger Delta Avengers”, IPOB emerged demanding for an independent Republic of Biafra and other voices for regional independence became visible from the West, South-South and Middle Belt (North Central) sections of the country.

All these incidents share one thing in common: grievances over resource allocation. In effect, different groups and sectors in the country are on a collision course over resources, their allocation, and right of access to them. The raging resource wars have touched on Nigeria’s international image, political experience, social relations, religious ideas, and economic activities, to mention a few; besides also affecting neighbouring nations in the West African region.

This meeting, therefore, seeks to bring Humboldt Fellows, other experts and students together to deliberate on Nigeria’s Resource Wars and their implications for individual, group and national wellbeing of Nigerians. Participants are encouraged to draw their inspiration from other nations’ experiences with their resource conflicts. Papers are expected to deal with all the foreseeable consequences of Nigeria’s resource wars as well as articulate proposals for their effective containment. The results from the conference will be widely disseminated and brought to the attention of policymakers. An anthology and a special journal edition are anticipated from the conference, which also will provide a much-needed opportunity to promote the AvH programmes and funding opportunities in South-Eastern Nigeria where little or no alumni activity has been held in about a decade.

Conference Date: 6 – 10 May 2019
Venue: University of Nigeria, Nsukka
Abstract Deadline: 30 November 2018
Completed Papers: 31 March 2019

[Contact: Professor Egodi Uchendu, MNAL, FHSN / egodi.uchendu@unn.edu.ng / 08039617898 ]



Anthem of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

  1. Arise, O compatriots, Nigeria’s call obey
    To serve our fatherland
    With love and strength and faith
    The labour of our heroes past
    Shall never be in vain
    To serve with heart and might
    One nation bound in freedom, peace and unity.
  2. Oh God of creation, direct our noble cause
    Guide our leader’s right
    Help our youth the truth to know
    In love and honesty to grow
    And living just and true
    Great lofty heights attain
    To build a nation where peace and justice shall reign.

Anthem of the Federal Republic of Germany- Deutschlandlied (Since 1991)

Einigkeit und Recht und Freiheit
Für das deutsche Vaterland!
Danach lasst uns alle streben
Brüderlich mit Herz und Hand!
Einigkeit und Recht und Freiheit
Sind des Glückes Unterpfand;
Blüh’ im Glanze dieses Glückes,
Blühe, deutsches Vaterland!
Blüh’ im Glanze dieses Glückes,
Blühe, deutsches Vaterland!

English Translation
Unity, justice, and liberty
For the Fatherland!
Let us all strive for that
In brotherhood with heart and hand!
Unity, justice, and liberty
Are the foundation for happiness;
Bloom in the radiance of this happiness,
Flourish, ‘O Fatherland!
Bloom in the radiance of this happiness,
Flourish, ‘O Fatherland!

University of Nigeria Song
Hail Varsity of Nigeria, My Alma Mater;
Hail her and rejoice for the sake of truth.
Where young men and women do seek for knowledge;
Hail her and rejoice for the sake of knowledge.
Where the Nation’s potentials do brood in the nest;
Hail her and rejoice for her noble ideals.
Hail Varsity par excellence our dreams come true;
Hail her and rejoice for the giant awakes.

My Alma Mater, My Alma Mater,
Noble are thy looks and thy ideals;
And great art thou in Science and in Art,
In other realms of learning,
Thou art all sublime.

Hail Varsity of Nigeria, My Alma Mater;
Hail her and rejoice for her lofty plans,
The Varsity that is sited on soft green hills;
Hail her and rejoice for her beauty’s sake.
Hail Varsity of our glory, the pride of our land;
Hail her and rejoice for her light will shine.
Hail Varsity par excellence our dreams come true;
Hail her and rejoice for the giant awakes.

My Alma Mater, My Alma Mater,
Noble are thy looks and thy ideals;
And great art thou in Science and in Art,
In other realms of learning,
Thou art all sublime.

Bible Reading—Genesis 1 (NLT)

1 In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth.
2 The earth was formless and empty, and darkness covered the deep waters. And the Spirit of God was hovering over the surface of the waters.
3 Then God said, “Let there be light,” and there was light.
4And God saw that the light was good. Then he separated the light from the darkness.
5 God called the light “day” and the darkness “night.” And evening passed and morning came, marking the first day.
6 Then God said, “Let there be a space between the waters, to separate the waters of the heavens from the waters of the earth.”
7 And that is what happened. God made this space to separate the waters of the earth from the waters of the heavens.
8 God called the space “sky.” And evening passed and morning came, marking the second day.
9Then God said, “Let the waters beneath the sky flow together into one place, so dry ground may appear.” And that is what happened.
10 God called the dry ground “land” and the waters “seas.” And God saw that it was good.
11 Then God said, “Let the land sprout with vegetation—every sort of seed-bearing
plant, and trees that grow seed-bearing fruit. These seeds will then produce the
kinds of plants and trees from which they came.” And that is what happened.
12 The land produced vegetation—all sorts of seed-bearing plants, and trees with seed-bearing fruit. Their seeds produced plants and trees of the same kind. And
God saw that it was good.
13 And evening passed and morning came, marking the third day.
14 Then God said, “Let lights appear in the sky to separate the day from the night.
Let them be signs to mark the seasons, days, and years.
15 Let these lights in the sky shine down on the earth.” And that is what happened.
16 God made two great lights—the larger one to govern the day, and the smaller
one to govern the night. He also made the stars.
17God set these lights in the sky to light the earth,
18 to govern the day and night, and to separate the light from the darkness. And
God saw that it was good.
19 And evening passed and morning came, marking the fourth day.
20 Then God said, “Let the waters swarm with fish and other life. Let the skies be
filled with birds of every kind.”
21 So God created great sea creatures and every living thing that scurries and
swarms in the water, and every sort of bird—each producing offspring of the same
kind. And God saw that it was good.
22 Then God blessed them, saying, “Be fruitful and multiply. Let the fish fill the
seas, and let the birds multiply on the earth.”
23 And evening passed and morning came, marking the fifth day.
24 Then God said, “Let the earth produce every sort of animal, each producing
offspring of the same kind—livestock, small animals that scurry along the ground,
and wild animals.” And that is what happened.
25 God made all sorts of wild animals, livestock, and small animals, each able to
produce offspring of the same kind. And God saw that it was good.

26 Then God said, “Let us make human beingsin our image, to be like us. They will
reign over the fish in the sea, the birds in the sky, the livestock, all the wild animals
on the earth, and the small animals that scurry along the ground.”
27 So God created human beingsin his own image. In the image of God he created
them; male and female he created them.
28 Then God blessed them and said, “Be fruitful and multiply. Fill the earth and
govern it. Reign over the fish in the sea, the birds in the sky, and all the animals
that scurry along the ground.”
29 Then God said, “Look! I have given you every seed-bearing plant throughout
the earth and all the fruit trees for your food.
30 And I have given every green plant as food for all the wild animals, the birds in
the sky, and the small animals that scurry along the ground—everything that has
life.” And that is what happened.
31 Then God looked over all he had made, and he saw that it was very good! And
evening passed and morning came, marking the sixth day.

DAY 1 MONDAY 6 May 2019

12:00—5:00 p.m. Arrival / Registration @ Princess Alexandria Auditorium (PAA)
5:00—8:00 p.m. Prelude & Music Night

  • Egodi Uchendu “The Concept Note: Contextualizing Resource Wars”
  • Professor T. C. Davies, Mangosuthu University of Technology, South Africa “Environmental and Health Impacts of Mining in Nigeria”
  • Music Concerts
  • Dinner

DAY 2 TUESDAY 7 May 2019

7:00—8:00 a.m. Breakfast @ Hall of Fame, UNN

9:00—10:30 a.m.
  • Registration @ Princess Alexandria Auditorium (PAA)
  • Courtesy Call on the Vice Chancellor, University of Nigeria
11:00 a.m. – 2:00 p.m. OPENING PROGRAMME
  • Nigeria & German National Anthems
  • University of Nigeria Anthem
  • Bible Reading & Opening Prayer
  • Introduction of Dignitaries
  • Vice Chancellor’s Welcome Address
  • Address by His Excellency, The Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany
  • Address by the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education
  • The Citation of the Keynote Lecturer by Dr. Collins Ugwu
  • Keynote Lecture by Professor Dmitri van den Berseelaar University of Leipzig, Germany “A Historical Perspective on Nigeria’s Resource Wars”
  • Group Photograph
2:00 – 3:30p.m Lunch Break (Hall of Fame)
3.30 – 6:00 p.m. Research & Scholarship

The Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and other Funding opportunities in Germany
  • Professor Sule Emmanuel Egya, IBB University (Moderator)
  • Dr. Richard Kuba, Frobenius Institute, Frankfurt
  • Professor P. C. Onyenekwe, Biotechnology Advanced Research Centre, Abuja
  • Professor Azeke Marshall, Ambrose Alli University
6:30 – 8:00 p.m. Dinner

DAY 3 WEDNESDAY 8 May 2019

7:00—8:00 a.m. Breakfast @ Hall of Fame, UNN

8:30—11:30 a.m. LEAD PAPERS
  • Venue: PAA
  • Moderator: Professor Gideon Omachonu
  • Rapporteurs: Dr. Ezinne Igwe & Mr. Chiedozie Obia
  1. PD. Dr. Nora Lafi, Leibniz-Zentrum Moderner Orient, Berlin “Resources, Geopolitical Rivalries, Ethnic Instrumentalizations and Conflictuality Between Southern Libya, Niger and Nigeria from Ottoman to Colonial Times
  2. Professor Sati U. Fwatshak, University of Jos “Herder-farmer Conflicts in Plateau State: Colonial Origins and Current Trends
  3. Major Gen. (Rtd), Isola Williams “Diagnosis of Deadly Political Violence Not Resource Wars; Federalist Structure-Based on Subsidiarity as Prescription
  4. Major-Gen (Rtd) H. Adewuyi & Major-Gen. M. Efeovbokhan “The Role of the Nigerian Army in Conflict Management”
  5. Ass. Commissioner of Police, Dr Abraham Nabhon Thomas “Policing Conflict Areas: Contents, Context and Operational Strategies
  6. Professor Audu Nanven Gambo, University of Jos, Nigeria “Strategic Leadership and Resource War in Nigeria’s Democratic Space

11:30—12:00 Tea Break – Energy Centre, UNN



Venue: Seminar Room 1, Energy Centre
Chair: Professor John Ogunji
Rapporteurs: Drs. Zara Kwaghe & Inokoba Preye
  1. Professor Samuel Zalanga, Bethel University, Minnesota, USA “The Sociology of Conflict”
  2. Colonel Solomon Inuwa, PhD, Nigerian Army Resource Centre, Nigeria “Theorising Nigeria’s Resource Wars: The Rentier-Neopatrimonial State Perspective”
  3. Ebuka Omeje, University of Ibadan “Historical Background to Resource Wars”
  4. Nnamdi C. Ajaebili, PhD, University of Nigeria “Nigeria since 1914: Integration or Disintegration?”
  5. Chukwuemeka Agbo, University of Texas at Austin, USA “Between Slaves and their Masters: The Abolition and Resource Wars in Colonial Eastern Nigeria”

Venue: Seminar Room 2, Energy Centre
Chair: Professor Isidore Diala
Rapporteurs: Drs. Uzoma Osuala & Olawari Egbe
  1. Segun Olude, Indigo ink Studios, Canada – “Resource Wars from the Lens of a Graphic Artist”
  2. Professor Egodi Uchendu & Chiedozie Obia, UNN – “Nigerian Youths Perspectives on Resource Conflicts”
  3. Professor Victor S. Dugga, Federal University Lafia, Nasarawa State – “Cultural Cache in Nigeria’s Resource War: The Case of Ombatse in Nasarawa State”
  4. Professor Gideon Omachonu, Nasarawa State University, Keffi – “Nigeria’s Resource War: The Linguistic Situation as the leading factor”
  5. Professor Emmanuel Sule, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University – “Resource War and Literary Militancy in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria”
  6. Professor Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos, Directeur de Recherches à l’Institut de Recherche pour le Développement,Paris, France – “Oil and the Biafra War: The myth and the Reality”

Venue: Seminar Room 3, Energy Centre
Chair: Professor Yemi Akinwunmi
Rapporteurs: Dr. Ozioma Nwokedi & Lambert Peter Ukanga
  1. Augustine A. Atabor, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. – “One Nigeria” Dream and the Looming Terror of Insurgencies”
  2. Dr. Joy Ifeadikanwa, University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Nigerian Cold War: Fulani Herdsmen/Boko Haram”
  3. Dr. Blessing Nonye Onyima, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka – “Land Resource Conflicts: Intra-Nomadic Disputes, Pastoralist-Farmers Conflicts and Its Implications in Ibarapa Oyo State South Western Nigeria”
  4. Irom, O. A. PhD, University of Calabar, Nigeria – “Adun-Okum Land Dispute: Scarce Resources or Conflict of Perspective, 1960-2018”
  5. Christopher U. Ifeagwu, PhD Candidate, University of Jos, Nigeria – “Land as a Resource Factor in the Wukari Conflicts, 1991-2013”
  6. David L. Imbua, PhD, & Francis B. Adah, University Of Calabar, Nigeria – “Where is the Ranch [Resort] in Us?”: Opulence and Penury at the Obudu Mountain Resort”

2:30—3:30p.m. Lunch


Venue: Seminar Room 1, Energy Centre
Chair: Professor J. Agbakoba
Rapporteurs: Rev. R. M. Ojo & Peter M. Kertyo
  1. Professor Yakubu A. Ochefu, Ph.D, Benue State University, Makurdi – “The Political Economy of Water as a Critical Resource in Nigeria”
  2. Dr. Emmanuel Akpabio, University of Uyo & Mr Ubong Hezekiah Udoudom, University of Lagos – “The Spatio-Temporal Prospect of Water Resources Conflicts in Nigeria”
  3. Engr. Professor Emeka Obe, University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Energy Wars”
  4. Professor Waziri Ibrahim, University of Maiduguri – “The Boko Haram as a Struggle for Socio-Economic Control of Human and Material Resources in Northeastern Nigeria”
  5. Professor Philippa Ojimelukwe, Michael Okpara University of Agriculture, Umudike – “Resource Wars: Paradigm Shift from Sustainable Food and Nutrition Security in Nigeria”

Venue: Seminar Room 2, Energy Centre
Chair: Professor Samuel Onyegegbu
Rapporteurs: Dr. Olihe A. Ononogbu & Ngozi Edeagu
  1. Dr. Chinyere Alimba, Modibo Adama University, Yola – “Root causes of Herder-Farmer Conflicts in Nigeria”
  2. Dominic Akpan PhD, University of Uyo – “Nigeria’ s Resource Wars and Human Security Challenges: the Herdsmen Perspective Since the 21st Century”
  3. Egodi Uchendu, Blessing Chinweobo-Onuoha & Ekene Uchendu University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Witness Testimonies on 2016 Herdsmen Attacks in Ezimo, Enugu State”
  4. Dr. Amuche Nnabueze, University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Responding to Herdsmen Throb: A Glimpse from Two Scenarios”
  5. Engr. Dr. Ojike Onyekwere, University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Solar Crop Dryers in Agricultural Processing: Antidote to Herdsmen/Farmers Clash”

Venue: Seminar Room 3, Energy Centre
Chair: Professor Danfulani Umar/PD Dr. Jan Patrick Heiss
Rapporteurs: Dr. Chinyere Alimba & Chukwuemeka Agbo
  1. Muhammed Sani Dangusau, Federal University Lokoja, Kogi State – “A Review of Farmer-Herders Conflict in the Middle Belt on the Nigerian Economy”
  2. Osuala, Uzoma Samuel, Ph.D., Federal University Lokoja, Kogi State – “Contested Space: Farmers-Herdsmen Wars and Trending Food Insecurity in Central Nigeria”
  3. Saheed Babajide Owonikoko, PhD, Modibbo Adama University of Technology, Yola, Adamawa State – “Beyond Victimhood: The Role Of Women In The Initiation And Management Of Conflict Involving Land And Water Use Between Farming And Herding Communities In Adamawa State”
  4. Ekwueme Francis Okechukwu, University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Metaphysical Evaluation of Resource Wars in Nigeria”
  5. Emmanuel Ibuot & Lambert Peter Ukanga, University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Nigeria in a State of Nature: Towards Overcoming Systemic Barriers”
  6. Professor Chika Anyanwu, Charles Stuart University, Australia – “Resources Boom or Doom and Economic Leadership Alternatives in Nigeria”

7:00 – 8:00 p.m. Dinner

DAY 4 THURSDAY 9 May 2019

7:00—8:00 a.m. Breakfast @ Hall of Fame, UNN


Venue: Seminar Room 1
Chair: Professor Dmitri van den Berseelaar
Rapporteurs: Dr. Chinyere Onyima & Christopher Ifeagwu
  1. PD Dr. Jan Patrick Heiss, University of Tuebingen, Germany – “Resource Scarcity and Migration to Nigeria in a Hausa peasant’s life from South Central Niger”
  2. Dr. Odigwe Nwaokocha, University of Benin, Benin City – “Genesis of a War: Ethno-Regionalism, Political Reforms and Resource Allocation in Nigeria Since 1966”
  3. Preye Kuro Inokoba, PhD, Niger Delta University, Bayelsa State – “Governance and Resource Wars in Africa: Unveiling The Nexus in Nigeria’s Niger Delta Crisis”
  4. Olihe A. Ononogbu (PhD), University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Resource, Ethnic Politics and Conflicts in Nigeria”
  5. Professor Ifeoma Enweani, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka – “Scholarship and Resource Wars”
  6. Dr. Ezinne Igwe, University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Black November: The Unseen Mediator’s Voice on Nigerian Resource Wars”

Venue: Seminar Room 2
Chair: Dr. Richard Kuba
Rapporteurs: Dr. Irom Obar & Chisom Uchendu
  1. Professor Adoyi, Nasarawa State University, Keffi-Nigeria – “A ‘Security’ Component in Nigeria’s Resource Wars”
  2. Dr. Zara E. Kwaghe, Federal University Lafia – “Mismanagement of Non-Renewable Resources in Nigeria: An albatross to National Progress and Development since 1956”
  3. Blessing N. Chinweobo-Onuoha, Ph.D., & Ozioma Nwokedi, Ph.D., University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Newspaper Coverage of Herdsmen versus Farmers’ Conflicts in South-Eastern Nigeria”
  4. Professor Innocent Chiluwa, Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State – “Herdsmen Crisis and the Media”
  5. Michael Chukwudebele & Nnaemeka Enemchukwu – “Derivation Principle of Revenue Allocation: A Panacea to Niger Delta Crisis in Nigeria”

Venue: Seminar Room 3
Chair: Professor Boniface Obah
Rapporteurs: Drs. Dave Imbua & Saheed Owonikoko
  1. Rev. Fr. Professor Francis Njoku, University of Nigeria, Nsukka – “Philosophy, Economy and Herdsmen”
  2. Dr. Emmanuel T. Eyeh, University of Nigeria – “Resource-Control Dilemma in Nigeria: A Way forward”
  3. Dr. David Ononogbu, University of Nigeria – “Herdsmen-Farmers Clashes in Nigeria: A Contemporary Problem with Biblical Solutions”
  4. Dr. Collins Ikenna Ugwu, University of Nigeria – “Old Testament Measures for Quelling Resource Wars: Panacea for the Nigerian Experience”
  5. Professor Marshall Azeke, Ambrose Alli University – “Nigeria’s Resource Wars: Challenges and Opportunities for Agriculture”
  6. Olawari D.J. Egbe, Ph.D, Niger Delta University, Bayelsa State – “Curbing Farmers/Herdsmen Conflicts in Nigeria: Libya’s Desert-to-Forest Scheme as Panacea”

11:00 — 12:00 Tea Break

12:30—2:00 p.m. PANEL DISCUSSION 1 — The Political Economy of Resource Wars

Venue: Seminar Room 1, Energy Centre
Moderators: Professor O. Obidoa & Professor Bamidele Olu-Owolabi
Rapporteur: Drs. Uche Okonkwo & Amuche Nnabueze

  • Dr. Olise Muojama, University of Ibadan
  • Uchenna Orji, University of Ibadan
  • Sochi Ogbonna, Uniersity of Ibadan
  • Chukwuebuka Omeje, University of Ibadan
12:30—2:00 p.m. PANEL DISCUSSION 2 — Beyond Resource Wars

Venue: Seminar Room 2, Energy Centre
Moderators: Professor Joshua Ogunwole/PD Dr. Nora Lafi
Rapporteur: Drs. Joy Ifeadikanwa & Reginakd Keke

  • Professor Johnny Ogunji, Federal University Ndufu-Alike
  • Professor Charles Esimone, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka
  • Professor Akin Odebunmi, University of Ibadan
  • Professor Egbokhare Francis, University of Ibadan
  • Professor Usman Mohammed, Kaduna State University, Kaduna
12:30—2:00 p.m. PANEL DISCUSSION 3 — Articulating a Policy Statement on Nigeria’s Resource Conflicts

Venue: Seminar Room 3, Energy Centre
Moderators: Professor Eno Urua/Professor Waziri Ibrahim
Rapporteur: Drs. Akpan Dominic & Oge Ezekwem-Williams

  • Professor Jonathan Oyebamiji Babalola, University of Ibadan
  • Professor Olarenwaju Awotona, Niger Delta University
  • Professor Gideon Omachonu Nasarawa State University, Keffi
  • Professor Olayemi Akinwunmi, Nasarawa State University, Keffi
  • Professor B. I. Olu-Owolabi, University of Ibadan

2:00—3:00 p.m. Lunch

3:00—4:30 p.m. Meeting of Communiqué drafting Committee

5:00—7:30 p.m. Closing Ceremony
  • Bible Reading & Prayer
  • Review & adoption of the Communiqué
  • Music & Dinner

DAY 5 DEPARTURE 10 May 2019

Instructions for participants:
  • Lead paper presenters have twenty minutes each to present their papers. Other presenters have fifteen minutes.
  • Discussions would come after all presentations have been taken.
Communiqué Drafting Team:
  • Professor T. C. Davies—Chairman
  • Professor Joshua Ogunwole—Vice Chairman
  • Professor Eno Urua
  • Professor Waziri Ibrahim
  • PD Dr. Nora Lafi
  • Professor Audu Gambo
  • Professor Philipa Ojimelukwe
  • Dr. David Imbua—Secretary
  • Dr. Zara Kwaghe—Secretary
  • Mr. Chukwuemeka Agbo—Secretary


Bible Reading—Revelation 22 (NLT)

1 Then the angel showed me a river with the water of life, clear as crystal, flowing from the throne of God and of the Lamb.
2 It flowed down the center of the main street. On each side of the river grew a tree of life, bearing twelve crops of fruit, with a fresh crop each month. The leaves were used for medicine to heal the nations.
3 No longer will there be a curse upon anything. For the throne of God and of the Lamb will be there, and his servants will worship him.
4 And they will see his face, and his name will be written on their foreheads.
5 And there will be no night there—no need for lamps or sun—for the Lord God will shine on them. And they will reign forever and ever.
6 Then the angel said to me, “Everything you have heard and seen is trustworthy and true. The Lord God, who inspires his prophets, has sent his angel to tell his servants what will happen soon. ”
7 “Look, I am coming soon! Blessed are those who obey the words of prophecy written in this book. ”
8 I, John, am the one who heard and saw all these things. And when I heard and saw them, I fell down to worship at the feet of the angel who showed them to me.
9 But he said, “No, don’t worship me. I am a servant of God, just like you and your brothers the prophets, as well as all who obey what is written in this book. Worship only God!”
10 Then he instructed me, “Do not seal up the prophetic words in this book, for the time is near.
11 Let the one who is doing harm continue to do harm; let the one who is vile continue to be vile; let the one who is righteous continue to live righteously; let the one who is holy continue to be holy.”
12 “Look, I am coming soon, bringing my reward with me to repay all people according to their deeds.
13 I am the Alpha and the Omega, the First and the Last, the Beginning and the End.”
14 Blessed are those who wash their robes. They will be permitted to enter through the gates of the city and eat the fruit from the tree of life.
15 Outside the city are the dogs—the sorcerers, the sexually immoral, the murderers, the idol worshipers, and all who love to live a lie.
16 “I, Jesus, have sent my angel to give you this message for the churches. I am both the source of David and the heir to his throne. I am the bright morning star.”
17 The Spirit and the bride say, “Come.” Let anyone who hears this say, “Come.” Let anyone who is thirsty come. Let anyone who desires drink freely from the water of life.
18 And I solemnly declare to everyone who hears the words of prophecy written in this book: If anyone adds anything to what is written here, God will add to that person the plagues described in this book.
19 And if anyone removes any of the words from this book of prophecy, God will remove that person’s share in the tree of life and in the holy city that are described in this book. 20 He who is the faithful witness to all these things says, “Yes, I am coming soon!” Amen! Come, Lord Jesus!
21 May the grace of the Lord Jesus be with God’s holy people.



Abraham Nabhon Thomas PhD CCPS PSC+

The inevitability of conflict as a fact in and of human existence elicits the necessity for operational prevention and control systems, thus the origin and universal character of policing. In the avalanche of violent resource conflicts in Nigeria, this paper examines the contents, context and operational strategies of policing conflict areas. Employing qualitative methodology and relying on secondary data, the paper examines the concepts of policing, conflict, and conflict areas; considers the characteristics of conflict areas, general principles and roles of policing, the requirements for prevention and control of conflict and crime, and standards for effective policing of conflict areas. The paper argues that though conflict is inevitable, presents in different dimensions with characteristic positive and negative effects, it can be effectively prevented and controlled. That good governance, democratisation of development, respect for human rights and diversities, sustainable community security system and effective law enforcement are vital elements of conflict management and control. Policing conflict areas entails coordinated partnerships in acquisition and utilisation of requisite information and intelligence on early warning indicators, understanding the threats elements by discerning the causal factors, trends, actors, context and environment, and application of requisite skills, knowledge and response capabilities to proactively prevent, control and to mitigate conflict escalation. Therefore, policing conflict area requires a systematic operationalisation of ‘Multi-Track Diplomacy’ and ‘integrated intelligence-led community policing’ strategies. Drawing from Nigeria’s context, the paper argues that the deficit of ‘good governance’ and weak community policing and security architecture are critical to the apparent ineffective policing of conflict areas in Nigeria. The paper accordingly proffers that institutionalisation of good governance, the democratisation of development, mainstreaming human rights and securitization of an integrated intelligence-led community-oriented policing system— operating with requisite human resource capacity, technological and logistic support capabilities—shall significantly ensure the effectiveness of policing conflict areas in Nigeria.


Nnamdi C. Ajaebili, PhD
History and International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

It is too obvious, even to the unwary, that since 1914 when the two separate protectorates of north and south were amalgamated to create the artificial edifice christened Nigeria, the country had been inundated with untrammelled crises, ranging from political, economic, social, cultural, and ethnic to religious fundamentalism. These imbroglios, detrimental as they are to nation building endeavours have raised several questions in several quarters as to whether Nigeria is in for integration or dismemberment. Whether under the cloak of political marginalization through election rigging, manipulation of census figures, unequal infrastructural development, ethnic chauvinism, mindless statism, irredentism, Boko Haram terrorist activities or insurgency, Fulani herdsmen molestations and killing of farmers, the Independent People of Biafra (IPOB), the Niger Delta Avengers or Resource control conflicts, these upheavals constitute a clear demonstration that the current Nigerian political system, just as it was during the colonial days, is a bungle, unsuitable and incongruous with the indigenous cultural milieu of the Nigerian environment. With the use of media and non-media sources, therefore, the paper maintains that given these near unmanageable crises, the country is threatened with disintegration unless efforts are made to reinvent and re-enable the various indigenous political and cultural systems of the pre-colonial societies that make up modern Nigeria, for forging a workable system for the entire country.


Dominic Akpan PhD
Department of History and International Studies, University of Uyo

Nigeria`s resource control has been an epicentre for tension and destruction of lives for a long time now especially those related to oil exploitation and transhumance. The struggle for control of resources has led to loss of lives caused by the activities of militancy on the Niger Delta and of recent the cattle herdsmen or Fulani herdsmen as it is currently popularly referred to. However, this paper is particularly about the activities of the herdsmen and human security challenges in the Nigerian State. The Fulani herdsmen have been sources of friction especially among farmers in many states of the federation such as Benue, Nasarawa, Taraba, Adamawa, Enugu, Edo and Kogi. Many farmers and herdsmen have been on collision; each accusing the other of one crime or another. For instance, the herdsmen would accuse farmers of cattle rustling while farmers in turn accuse herdsmen of rampaging their farms, rape and other forms of violence. The paper discovers that this state of affairs is responsible for incessant violence, killings, raping among these groups, and more often than not usually lead to killings of innocent people, a factor for human insecurity in those areas. The paper seeks to and recommends that herdsmen should adopt a new method of cattle keeping instead of transhumance; an old practice that is no longer productive in many parts of the world.


Egodi Uchendu & Chiedozie Obia
African Humanities Research & Development Centre (AHRDC), University of Nigeria
egodi.uchendu@unn.edu.ng & chiedozie.obia@unn.edu.ng

Nigeria is a nation blessed with numerous resources. Different sections of the country have resources peculiar to them. These natural assets, ironically, have led to series of conflicts that have shaken the nation. They range from the Niger Delta agitations, Boko Haram, to the demand by certain groups to secede; and on the increase, recently, to the farmer—herder crisis. The youth population constitute the major actors in agitations revolving around resources in the country. This paper, using both primary and secondary sources, examines varying perspectives on resource wars by Nigerian youths and their contributions to resource-related conflicts.


Professor Chika Anyanwu PhD, FGLF
Head of Bathurst Campus
Charles Stuart University, NSW Australia

The growth and sustainability of a nation depends on its ability to harness its natural and human capital to enhance the lives of its citizens. Nigeria is endowed with abundant natural resources which many western countries can only dream of. But unfortunately Nigeria today, has one of the highest level of poverty rate in Africa. It could be argued that while Nigeria is endowed with resources wealth, it is also endowed with leadership failures. According to Humphreys et al (2007), in the late 1970s, Indonesia and Nigeria had comparable per capita income and high dependency on oil revenue, but today Indonesia’s per capita is four times greater than Nigeria. It should also be recalled that Nigeria introduced palm plantation to Malaysia, but today Nigeria imports vegetable oil from Malaysia while Malaysia exports the same product to almost every part of the world. Nigeria’s export economy is highly dependent on crude oil and gas by more than 90%. According to George Soros (2007), by connecting the above dilemma in economic and political theory, it can be inferred that the nation’s resources boom is also its curse. Research studies (Karl 1997; Corden 1982; Ross 2001; Humphreys 2005) have shown that majority of poor, corrupt and unstable countries in Africa are also those endowed with natural resources. As a result there are few fiscal policies aimed at creating jobs or engendering self sufficiency. These failings are symptomatic of what Corden (1982) referred to as the Dutch disease model.

According to Reuben Abati’s (2010) analysis of Nigeria at 50 years of independence, “the average Nigerian is adventurous, energetic, creative, willing to learn and ready to excel, but the bulk of how we use our skills is to undercut, create opportunities or outrightly circumvent the rules of the game to get ahead”. As a result of strategic leadership failure, the country has become a factory of Pentecostal revivalism. According to Katenga-Kaunda (27 June 2015), the biggest draw “to this form of religious alternative, is the ‘gospel of prosperity’. Self- appointed prophets focus their sermons on prosperity for those who live in abject poverty”. Marshall (2009: 239) noted that in “the years since the Pentecostal movement started, the socioeconomic and political crises in Nigeria has deepened dramatically”. Nigeria is currently facing a situation similar to that described by Hall, Critcher, Jefferson, Clarke, and Roberts (1978) in the 1970s Britain, which they refer to as state of moral panic. In the Nigerian context, such moral panic is an ethnically constructed xenophobia due to economic and political disenfranchisement, or fear thereof, by sections of the country who feel disempowered as a result of leadership failure. There are institutional collapse, judicial corruption, interreligious violence and almost total collapse of civil society and human dignity.

There is therefore a vicious cycle in a failed political system where alternative sources of hope and aspiration are premised on spirituality and transcendentality, which have also been circumvented by charlatans who prey on disenfranchised citizens. The consequence for a country like Nigeria, polarised by two distinct religious extremes (Christianity and Islam), is self-extermination rather than determination. This paper therefore uses examples from successfully transitioned countries who have balanced resources boom with strategic leadership, to suggest alternative economic directions which could enable the country salvage what is left of its resources, in order to meet twenty-first century economic directions and global competitiveness. In their work, Growth and Empowerment: Making Development Happen, Stearn et al (2005) emphasise that for sustainable projects to succeed in developing countries, there needs to be an environment where people can take charge of their lives—where they are their own agents of change. Yunus (1998: 11) also stated that “poverty is not caused by laziness, ignorance, or moral failings of the poor but by ineffective financial structures which could help them widen their economic base”. The argument is that with proper channelling of creative energies and diversification of Nigeria’s resources, the country could still be a leader in a twenty-first century economic landscape. It is particularly important at this stage because global economic movement has shifted from material to digital economy. Those countries and societies with creative capital base will dictate the rhythm of tomorrow’s job market. According to Gibson et al (2002:174), “creativity has become crucial to the success of urban and regional economies, and a fundamental means through which places are perceived”. The objectives therefore are to advance an understanding of creative knowledge-based economy; to apply innovative development and diversification of economic programs to engender new opportunities, wealth creation, and employment and export growth.


Dr. Amuche Nnabueze
Department of Fine and Applied Arts, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Visual realisation of Fulani Herdsmen cannot be complete without the menacing presence of the ‘dagger’, along sheathed sharp knife that accompany them through the thick forests as they live out their nomadic lifestyle. This perpetual costume of the Fulani cattle herder provokes a sense of ‘always-on-war’, which manifests in the clashes witnessed since their arrival from the Senegambia region (circa 1400s) to Northern Nigeria and beyond. Sparsely spread conflicts have suddenly taken a pandemic shape, manifesting in all manner of atrocities that disrupt farming, bringing about low farming activities and thereby increasing food insecurity, breeding other resource dearth and communal conflicts with high rates of casualties. The migrant Fulani are present in Eg’Ukehe, a community in northern Igboland, where their herding activities precipitated conflicts, kidnappings, injuries to farm owners, rape and other petty crimes. However, unlike in many other communities, their operations and petty crimes have not degenerated into killings in this location. Since herdsmen-related problems became widespread, both communities and individuals are containing the issues in their own way and with the assumption that the present government, composed of Fulani elite, is unwilling to tackle the issue head-on. Considering the importance of peaceful co-existence, this paper critically looks at the dynamics of co-existence between nomadic Fulani and Ukehe community. The paper uses the qualitative research approach. Besides direct observation, indepth interviews were conducted with major community leaders in Ukehe, farmers who eke a living from their farms in Eg’Ukehe and the Fulani community to critically bring out the underlying skills employed by both the owners of the land and the migrant herdsmen in resolving conflict between herdsmen and indigenes.


Maj. Gen. Isola Williams Executive Secretary
Pan African Strategic and Policy Research Group (PANAFSTRAG), Lagos
isholawilliams@gmail.com & panafstraginternational@yahoo.com

My presentation will diagnose deadly political violence, which are strictly not ‘resource war’ in our country. It will prescribe some politico-military solutions with lessons learnt from countries in the South. In the North-East of the country, our political and military machines are engaging ideological insurgents whose religious bias are well known but their political objectives are not clear to me. Their deadly activities are also surprisingly limited to the North-East, especially Borno State. Do they have citizens’ support for their objectives? On the other hand, the political objectives of the Niger-Delta armed resistance movements are understood by all in all these decades. It is also obvious that their actions are justified and the costly palliative amnesty is not the solution. Therefore, the politico-military engagement is a form of police action rather than war. The IPOB is different from all others as it is youthful, non-violent secessionist movement, which has created a generational cum class gap in terms of support for its cause. It appears to have Igbo Diaspora support. The politico-military engagement has been in form of deadly show of force by the politico-military. The question here is whether the federalist constitutional prescription is the cure. In a political system based on subsidiarity, all other occurrences of deadly violence can be resolved at the state in coordination of, and support from, the Federal Government and the Communities.


Professor Audu Nanven Gambo
Department of Political Science, University of Jos, Nigeria

The core thesis of the paper is that the frequency, multitude and scope of resource wars in Nigeria’s democratic federal republic is inextricably linked to the deficit of strategic leadership. This deficit of strategic leadership has steadily undermined national cohesion and deconstructed the Nigerian society along historically defined primordial trajectory. The growing ethno-regional, religious and cultural consciousness is a fall out of this fate that has befallen Nigeria since independence in 1960. Socioeconomic and political dynamics have remained the key drivers of resource wars in Nigeria, especially in the post-military era. The centrifugal forces let loose during the inglorious military era have grown in potency and resilience even in the democratic space. The frequency of resource wars in the federal republic is a reflection of the weak capacity of successive political leaderships for strategic thinking. The paper recommends strategic leadership that is driven by shared aspirations and hopes, collectively articulated vision, genuinely democratic principles and above all, a good sense of equity, justice and fairness in the management of mainstream socioeconomic and political processes.


Augustine Akwu Atabor
Department of Philosophy, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Why call “one-Nigeria” a dream when Nigeria still endures as a sovereign nation? One might say it is a dream because being together does not necessarily mean wholeness. Another might say that it is because what we call Nigeria is only a mere fabrication of colonial master in furtherance of their quest for power and control without considering the evident divergence in terms of language, religion and culture. Another still might say it is because of the persistent lack of cohesive government. However, there is still another question; which is, if Nigeria cannot be together, why is she still holding up together after 57 years in the face of debilitating social and political realities? Or are we only experiencing the last days of the Nigerian state? These questions are top most in the mind of the researcher as he portends to grapple with the socio-political and economic challenges of the Nigerian state so as to ascertain the preponderant causes of persistent agitations and insurgencies. Using the theoretical framework of positioning theory, a social constructionist approach that uses words and discourse of all type to locate people and others, the writer wishes to delineate how the “we and them” mentality has put us further apart in Nigeria. This being said, we shall then apply a philosophical theory for multicultural engagement known as the metaxological style of engagement to try to point us to grounds of resolution.


Blessing N. Chinweobo-Onuoha (Ph.D.) & Ozioma Nwokedi (Ph.D.)
Department of Mass Communication, University of Nigeria, Nsukka
blessing.chinweobo-onuoha@unn.edu.ng / ozioma.nwokedi@unn.edu.ng

This study examines newspaper coverage of herdsmen versus farmers’ conflicts in South-eastern Nigeria. Content analysis research design was adopted for the study. The population of the study comprises all the editions of the Vanguard, the Nation and Daily Sun newspapers from January to December 2017. A purposive selection of the newspapers was done as a result of their circulatory strength, national outlook and wide coverage of issues of national importance. The sample size is made up of 42 editions of the population. To determine the sample size, the composite week procedure was adopted, which resulted to 14 issues of each of the three newspapers. The unit of analysis includes all feature articles, news stories, editorials, opinions, letters to the editor and cartoons relating to herdsmen versus farmer’s conflicts in South-eastern Nigeria. The content categories for the study checked the direction of stories, whether they are positive, negative or neutral; frequency of coverage, forms of conflicts; story prominence (front page, back page, centre page or inside page). The code sheet was the instrument for data collection while the textual analysis technique will be used for data analysis.


Chinyere N. Alimba (Ph.D)
Center for Peace and Security Studies, Modibbo Adama University of Technology
Yola, Adamama State

Since the return to democratic system of governance in 1999, various violent conflicts have occurred in Nigeria, but the herder-farmer conflict is the latest skirmish threatening the peace and corporate unity of the country. The conflict is not a new phenomenon, but the devastating dimension it has taken in recent times makes it a mandatory issue that should be tackled immediately to avert pending national disaster. This is because of the wanton killings and destruction of properties that characterises its incessant occurrences across the country. The killings and destruction of properties witnessed in Benue, Adamawa, Taraba, Ondo, Ekiti, Enugu and Anambra states, just to mention a few, and the recent massacre of cattle in Nasarawa state as a reprisal attack calls for the need to critically investigate the root causes of herder-farmer conflicts for effective mitigation in Nigeria. Thus, this study is a descriptive survey and Adamawa and Benue states will be used as reference points for data collection. Data will be collected through a mixed method approach that will target primary and secondary sources. The primary data will be generated through a field survey using structured questionnaires and Key Informant Interview, while the secondary data will be collected through extensive literature review, which will rely on tangible information and documentary evidence from established institutions, research articles, and print media, all related to the incident and states under consideration. The target population will be herders, farmers, the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeder Association of Nigeria (MACBAN), the Farmers Association of Nigeria (FAN), and Community leaders in the affected states. The Nigeria Police will equally form part of the participant for data collection. The results will show the immediate and remote causes of the conflict. Also, the consequences of the conflict as it relates to intergroup relations will be ascertained. The short and long term solutions to the crisis will be uncovered. Appropriate recommendations will be made for policy advocacy in Nigeria.


Colonel Solomon Inuwa PhD
Research Fellow at the Nigerian Army Resource Centre

Since the attainment of political independence in 1960, the history of the Nigerian state is replete with grievances and conflict over natural and non-natural resources. One of the most recent of such conflict has been the protracted Niger Delta conflict in the South-South region of the country and separatist agitation particularly in the Southeast region over grievances of political resources. Several scholars have advanced various explanations as to the origin of these resource conflicts. However, in this paper, I argue that to understand the origin of Nigeria’s resource wars we need to locate it within the context of the nature and character of the Nigerian state. Consequently, using evidence from existing literature as well as comparative evidence across the globe, I argued that the preponderance of resource wars in Nigeria is rooted in the rentier neopatrimonial nature and character of the Nigerian state. Thus, the paper contends that the long-term solution to the preponderance of resource wars lies in the fundamental transformation of the Nigerian state.


Muhammed Sani Dangusau
Department of History and International Studies, Federal University Lokoja

According to a senior programme officer for Africa, tensions between farmers and herders have a stretched history in Nigeria’s north and along the country’s middle belt. This study shows that both groups coexist peacefully but increased competition for resources have expanded the conflict into dangerous dimensions to the extent that middle belt regions are now regarded as killing fields with mass casualties on both groups as well as on the region. It further contends that several efforts have been put in place to resolve the conflict, but its continued manifestation against the backdrop of resource scarcity, land, further shows the limitations of the peace measures. Given these dynamics and trends, this paper is a review of the conflict in the middle belt area—Benue, Taraba and Nasarawa states—with a view to identify the causes, dynamics and implications on the Nigerian economy. The paper recommends that in order to have peace in the region, there is need to monitor the influx of herdsmen into the region, develop settlements for the herders and revisit the symbiotic relationship between the two groups. Also, the morale of security agencies should be boosted by the collective resolve of the people to liberate the region from destruction. A thorough review of the roles of non-governmental organizations and traditional institutions in conflict resolution will be undertaken as well.


Professor T. C. Davies, PhD, CGeol, FGS, FAAG

The gloomy statistics regarding Nigeria’s population explosion, the country’s carrying capacity and the increasing demand for material goods, are fast precipitating:

  • Intensified competition for basic resources such as space, food, and water, and hence promoting the rise of insurgencies;
  • Rapid exhaustion of non-renewable resources;
  • Forced habitation of humans in areas of significant natural geological hazards, such as the Lagos wetlands, a situation aggravated by the effects of climate change.
Through the use of geophysical measurements, geographical information systems (GIS) surveys, imaging and modelling of the dynamics of pertinent geological phenomena and processes, research data required for addressing these issues have been generated, analysed and portrayed graphically. As it is believed that resource issues will continue to dominate the political and social agenda in Nigeria during the present decade, an examination is made of the positive role that individuals and Nigerian institutions such as the government can play in positively impacting on resource exploration, exploitation and conservation.


Gideon Sunday Omachonu, PhD, AvHF, FICSHER
Nasarawa State University, Keffi
gsomachonu@yahoo.com, gsomachonu@gmail.com

Language serves as the key link between all the realms that make up a community: wealth, resources, power, value, self-definition, and evaluation of a community (Ngugi, 2008:57). Language is a tool, a means, a channel, an instrument, a product, as well as the producer of what becomes of a society at a particular point in time. The root of Nigeria’s resource war can be located in the multiplicity of languages given rise to by the diversity of ethnic groups that were brought together to form the entity called Nigeria as was designed by the colonial powers for administrative convenience following the regrouping of African territories in the 19th century. Though opinions may vary on the effects of multilingualism in Africa, the Nigerian experience appears to support the first view which sees multilingualism in negative light; associating it with all sorts of problems including ethnic conflicts, political tensions, poverty, resource wars and underdevelopment. Language is undeniably and unmistakably the unique defining identity for any ethnic group and therefore a veritable instrument of politicking in any society. Apart from the dominance of English over all the indigenous languages in Nigeria, a continuous source of language conflict and politics is the relationship between the major languages themselves and between the major and non-major languages. As it were, the conflict is engineered by the fear of ethno-linguistic domination which most people believe is worse than economic and political domination. This is so because ethno-linguistic domination, it is believed, comes with it; socio-cultural, political and economic domination. It is against this background that the current study examines the nature of multilingualism in Nigeria and its effects on the language situation which in turn serves as a key player in the country’s resource wars.


Victor S. Dugga
Nasarawa State University, Keffi

The 2011 General Elections in Nasarawa State achieved a feat that has rarely been seen in the political clime since the return of democracy in 1999. An incumbent Governor of the ruling national Party, People’s Democratic Party (PDP) lost power to a candidate new political party, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). It was also the only State in Nigeria won by the party. The coalition of interests that led to the historic defeat of the PDP included a section among the Eggon ethnic nationality, a political movement that went by the tag “Ombatse”: ‘time has come’. Their objective in the coalition was to wrest power from the hands of those who had manipulated the electoral process consistently and denied them the chance notwithstanding their large population in the State. By the end of 2012, when feelers from the Governor they helped to install indicated that one of their own would not be given the opportunity to contest governorship at the next opportunity contrary to previously agreed terms, the movement metamorphosed and took on a cultural-religious identity. They devised symbols and created rituals to mobilize membership, fortified themselves and challenged the powers of the State. In 2013, a convoy of armed security personnel, on their way to Alakio village, residence of the spiritual leader of “Ombatse”, was ambushed and most of the personnel killed. This act caused national outrage and immediately conferred notoriety on the group. This paper contributes to the resource control debate by examining the theme of soldiers of fortune deployed by the political class and how culture becomes the ammunition of fighting back in the resource war in Nigeria.


Chukwuebuka Omeje
Department of History, University of Ibadan

War has a deep root in human history. It has enormous tragic impacts on people’s lives and the environment. War violates human rights; uproot people; and enforces migration to other countries, besides also leading to internal displacements. Over the years, the world has witnessed several wars, revolutions, and civil uprisings that threatened the very existence of human race. Resource wars are violent conflicts that are largely driven by competition for control over vital or valuable mineral resources such as oil, water, land, timber, animals or animal products, gold, silver, gems, diamond and other key minerals. A desire to gain control over a valuable resource supply or the wealth it generates is a dominant factor leading to war. Resource endowments could be a blessing or a problem depending on the management by the state. In the advanced world, it is a blessing, but in Africa and other developing countries, it is a source of protracted conflicts. For instance, Nigeria is profoundly endowed with both human and diverse natural resources but has experienced civil unrests since independence that hampered its nation-building efforts such as the Nigerian civil war, ethnic and communal clashes, religious crises, insurgency, Niger Delta conflicts, and the on-going menace by Fulani herdsmen against rural farmers. Historical facts which continue to emerge reveal that all these crises have economic or resource connotations. Hence, this paper seeks to interrogate the historical background of resource wars and their implications to nation building process in Nigeria.


Sule Emmanuel Egya
Department of English, Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida University, Lapai

Since large scale crude oil explorations began in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria in the 1950s, there has been general unrest in the region ranging from agitations, mass protests and organised violence. The unrest has been the result of a resource war engendered by what the locals see as a massive neglect of the region, in terms of human and infrastructure development, by the Nigerian government and multinational corporations. Over the years, a number of militant groups have emerged in the region with a rather altruistic gospel of defending the lands, waters, and peoples of the region, commanding in most cases the attention of the Nigerian government. Militancy (that is, the philosophies and activities of aggressive, violent defenders of the Niger Delta) has gained currency in discourses and policy formulations concerning the survival and welfare of the region. It is this notion of militancy I transpose into the realm of literary writing to theorise and analyse especially recent creative writings (fiction, drama, poetry) from, and about, the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, which represent the region’s ecological crisis. My central argument is that most of the writers I am dealing with here pose as militants (not with guns, but pens) to embark on a cultural struggle against institutional powers responsible for the region’s human and environmental crisis. That is to say, it is with their creative writings that they participate in the resource war thereby giving the war an intellectual dimension – perhaps something far more desirable than the senseless violence reportedly perpetrated by gun-toting militants.


Ekwueme Francis Okechukwu
Department of philosophy, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Metaphysics is concerned with the study of the nature of existence, being and reality in general. Consequently, everything we do involve metaphysics. Natural resources are those abundant earthly deposits in Nigeria which are useful in economic development. But in spite of being blessed with these resources, their use and sharing methods are not without ethnic struggle for domination. This paper analytically determines the role of ethnicity and materialism in the emergence of resource wars in Nigeria. Its metaphysical evaluation reveal that in spite of being one of the most religious nations in the world, most Nigerians are tribalistic, materialistic and reason along ethnic domination. The implications are: poverty, agitations, and violence. The research finds that solutions to these wars include: (1) true federalism: (2) inculcation of spiritual values among Nigerians. It hereby recommends the following in resolving resource wars in Nigeria: (1) imbibing the spirit of equality: (2) exemplary leadership thorough accountability.


Emmanuel T. Eyeh
Department of History and International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Nigeria is one of the most naturally endowed countries in the world. Scattered within its vast lands are innumerable mineral deposits such as limestone, tin, zinc, iron ore, and crude oil, among several others. Most of its diverse and adequately watered vegetational belts are fertile, and can support various kinds of plant life. These resources which should have catalyzed the country unto a path of socio-economic and political development, have rather become sources of contention and agitations over access to, and control over them, to the extent of threatening the continued corporate existence of Nigeria. “Resource control”, as these agitations are known, generally involves the quest to acquire political power over resource production, management and utilization in the area of location, by the local people (and component states) on whose lands such resources are derived. The agitations began as a protest by the people of the Niger Delta over the devastation of their land by multinational oil companies during oil drilling, with apparent indifference and, perhaps, tacit support of successive federal governments of Nigeria. They have now escalated to embrace claims over other resources such as unhindered access to peoples’ farms and crops by Fulani herdsmen, which the latter regard as mere pasture for their cattle and the determination by the farming communities to defend their own resource/farms. This paper discusses the concept of resource control within the context of the ongoing debate; and gives a historical background to the agitations and their causes. The dimensions and reasons why the situation escalated and became violent shall also be discussed. While drawing from the experiences of other countries with similar experiences like Nigeria, it interrogates the merits and demerits of resource control and proffers possible solutions to the current situation. In addition to other sources, this paper utilizes the expressions of opinion leaders as reported by mainstream media. Opinions of informed non- political actors also constitute an invaluable source.


Sati U. Fwatshak
Department of History and International Studies, University of Jos

Between 2010 and 2015, Boko Haram was the most dreaded, deadly group in Nigeria and in Plateau state, where it had dropped bombs in 2010 and 2012. Since 2017, herdsmen hold the distinction of being the most dreaded, deadly group in Plateau state and the cultural Middle belt. Central to the herder-farmer conflict is access to land-based resources required by the conflict parties for traditional economic practices: cattle rearing and crop production. Contrary to popular claims by the general publics that the conflict is of recent origin—a twenty-first century creation—the archives prove otherwise: that the roots are decisively colonial. However, while the roots of the problem are colonial, postcoloniality threw up new dimensions, trends, and complications, as the conflicts increase in frequency, intensity, scale, consequences following the use of sophisticated weapons and the adoption of non-conventional warfare with devastating economic and humanitarian consequences. This paper provides a framework for understanding the historical trajectory in herder-farmer conflicts in the Jos Plateau region of the Nigerian Middle-Belt by combining the diachronic and synchronic approaches to the problem. Archival materials and various categories of secondary literature cutting across various disciplines are the principal sources of the paper. The qualitative method is used, as events are described and analyzed and the essay structured in the thematic and chronological styles.


Celestine Uchechukwu Udeogu and Emmanuel Ibuot
University of Nigeria, Nsukka
“You take my life when you take the means whereby I live.” William Shakespeare (1564—1616)

Although the political history of Nigeria has been dotted with resource war since the early colonial days of proto-nationalism that saw the likes of King Jaja of Opobo in stiff opposition to the British resource-scavengers, the last two decades have seen a new twist in the nature, character, magnitude and dimension of the resource war. With the latest herdsmen-farmers clashes and subsequent flood of blood in North-central Nigeria, the Nigerian resource war has arguably reached its apocalyptic crescendo. At first sight, the clash reveals a dramatization of the Hegelian Tragedy, whereby the two sides are right—the herdsmen depend on their herds to survive as much as the farmers depend on their crops for survival, and each of the divides is passionate about preserving and protecting its resources from the encroachment of the other, hence the resource war in which the herdsmen have gone uncontrollably wild. Across the country, the prevailing view is that the Federal Government has not demonstrated enough political will in addressing the Fulani herdsmen’s menace. In this study, Ole Wæver’s Securitization Theory which posits that a security threat/issue is whatever that is labelled so or seen in such light by the securitizing actor was adopted to further buttress and concretize the paper’s position that the undiminished and acclivitous intensity of the herdsmen’s attacks across the country is a demonstration of the extent to which the national leadership has obdurately refused to see the marauding operations of the herdsmen in Nigeria as an objective security issue/threat that requires high degree of securitization response. The study situates the tractability of this war on non-partisan leadership, recommending that in a plural Nigeria, politicking with security issues would further push the nation down the line of disintegration.


Dr. Joy Ifeadikanwa
Humanities Unit, School of General Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

War is an organized large-scale, armed conflict between countries or between national, ethnic, or other sizeable groups, usually involving the engagement of military forces. It is an organized conflict between groups or even among people. Longman dictionary described war as fight between two or more countries or between opposing groups within a country, involving large numbers of soldiers and weapons. But there are different types of war, the violent open war and that of cold war. The one to be discussed in the work is cold war. The war that is fought silently or secretly using all sorts of craftiness to cover up crime or pretend there is peace while trouble is everywhere, like what is happening in 21st century Nigeria where groups are being destroyed by other groups yet the government play ignorant of it, pretending that there is peace while there is no peace. Weapons are used to kill people on daily bases without finding solution to the problem. This study examines various cold wars in Nigeria, their possible causes and solutions.


PD Dr Jan Patrick Heiss
Dept. of Social & Cultural Anthropology, University of Tuebingen,
Burgsteige 11, 72070 Tuebingen

Resource scarcity is a problem of the wider region of which Nigeria is a part. Within this wider framework, resource scarcity in Nigeria is affecting, as the conference convenors rightly point out, “neighbouring nations in the West African region”, but resource scarcity in neighbouring countries is also affecting Nigeria. The annual influx of labour migrants from Niger to Nigeria is a case in point. In my contribution, I would like to follow up this thought and search for some of the ramifications of this phenomenon. I concentrate on a Hausa village from South Central Niger and single out one peasant from this village. His home area has a long history of drought/resource scarcity and has established techniques and institutions to deal with this (cf. Mortimore 1989). Nevertheless, the problem is aggravating. Society responds to this in a number of ways. Peasants temporarily migrate to Nigeria, the importance of material goods in social relations is increasing, there is intergenerational conflict about the use of resources and some attempt to reorganise the use of collective resources by the community. I try to trace society’s response to increasing resource scarcity as it is reflected in this peasant’s life. In the context of the conference, his temporary migration to Nigeria will also be discussed.


Peter Memga Kertyo
History & International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

The paper is a historical analysis of the changing patterns of Herdsmen/Farmers relations in Nigeria. The paper is informed by the fact that from time immemorial, clashes have existed in Herdsmen/Farmers relations. Howbeit, the clashes were feeblish, as mutuality also existed. However, beginning from the 21st century, the mutuality that exists in their relations, in spite of the clashes, metaphorized to hostility. The patterns of relations between the two groups have seemingly changed; assuming dangerous and catastrophic dimensions that are threatening the peace and stability of Nigeria. The paper therefore examines factors that must have occasioned the hostility that has characterized Herdsmen/Farmers relations. It proceeds to theorize the 21st century Herdsmen/Farmers problematic. The paper observed that, though, many factors are culpable for the hostility that is inherent in the 21st century Herdsmen/Farmers relations, but economic exigencies appears tall in the plethora of reasons that necessitated the cruelty in their relations. To reincarnate the mutuality that once existed in their relations, the paper advocates for the introduction and practice of the ranching system of animal husbandry. As regards the research methodology, the paper employed the use of qualitative source of historical data.


Odigwe Nwaokocha
Department of History and International Studies, University of Benin
Benin City, Nigeria

The Nigerian state has endured series of conflicts occasioned by dissatisfaction and disagreements over the system for allocating national resources to segments of the Nigerian community. Though there exists a growing number of literature dedicated to studying its various ramifications, the root causes of this phenomenon that threatens the survival of the state itself has remained largely ignored. This study attempts an examination of the facts connecting ethno-regional interests; political reforms carried out in Nigeria since 1960; resource allocation and the attendant crises engendered by them. The study is carried out against the background of the crises that has erupted on the Nigeria scene on account of perceived feelings of injustice in the way resources are allocated to components of the Nigerian federation by a seemingly imperial federal government. The study argues that skewing the revenue allocation formula to the benefit of some sections of the country to the detriment of others represented some form of declaration of war to which negatively affected sections have responded to in terms filled with anger. The study concludes by urging a return to the old system of revenue allocation as paramount to mending the broken bridges of the Nigerian federation and return Nigeria to a path of sustainable growth.


Yakubu A. Ochefu Ph.D
Department of History, Benue State University, Makurdi

Water is a most critical resource for humankind. Besides its use for domestic and industrial production, it is a major factor in successful agricultural production. The fresh water capacity of nations is often measured as a development index. In environments where fresh water is scarce or limited, its management and supply is a core function of state agencies. In this paper, we review the historical evidence over a 70-year period of how the Nigerian State has attempted to manage its water resources. This encompasses policy directives, the building of dams across major water bodies, establishment of River basin Development Authorities and the Lake Chad Basin Authority. The review will show that the current crisis between farmers and herders is deeply rooted in water as a resource. The paper will show how a mix of policy errors and lack of implementation of agreed policies distorted water supply and management in Nigeria, and conclude with a number of practical solutions to the problems that were identified.


Egbe, Olawari D.J, Ph.D
Department of Political Science, Niger Delta University, Bayelsa State

The State of Malaysia is renowned globally in palm oil production; a reputation gained only after a survey of palm oil production industry and subsequent acquisition of palm nut seedlings from the Niger Delta of then Eastern Region. Muammar al-Gaddafi was reputed in asking rhetorically where the West was when Libya was a total desert; implying the U.S. led invasion of Libya was resource motivated. What these two scenarios portend is that learning from the experiences of other people is ever profitable. Why is the State in Nigeria not learning from experiences and lessons of others on similar trajectory? This paper interrogates the solutions presently adopted in settling the recurring spate of resource-driven farmers/herdsmen violence in parts of Nigeria. Relying on secondary accounts, the paper posits that Abuja should borrow a leaf from Libya’s Desert-to-Forest Scheme for parts of Northern Nigeria plagued by desertification which has compelled herdsmen’s migration to other parts of Nigeria for greener pastures. The paper recommends that rather than deploying scarce resources exploring for oil and natural gas in the Lake Chad Basin, Abuja must implement deliberate and concerted efforts to re-afforest parts of the Northern Nigeria for not just cattle grazing but cattle ranching as an alternative avenue for revenue.


Adoyi Onoja
Department of History, Nasarawa State University, Keffi-Nigeria
Blog: adoyionoja.org

An unexplored area in Nigeria’s resource wars is “security”. Often the intervention in conflict is described as security or providing security. Without philosophical, legal and policy foundations for this “security”, the so-called officials of “security” even employ securitisation to justify their actions. The provision of this “security” is emerging as one of the major tonic for conflict. Since “security” hit the ground running following civil rule in 1999, academics, journalists and civil societies have not critically examined this security and its content. What is this security? What is the content and context of this security? Is this security founded on legislation, policy and strategy in this order? Does the security legislation, if there is one, spell out what is security, whose security, what counts as security issues and how this security can be achieved? Is this security based on Nigeria’s history, experience and reality (HER)? These questions formed the basis of the paper’s discourse on the security dimension in Nigeria’s resource wars. The paper argues that the unexplored “security” as strategy to curtailing other resource wars is part of the resource wars. The managers of this “security” have vested interest in the continuation of crisis and conflict that fuel this strategy called security. This “security” specifically captures and addresses the concerns of the elites of politics and defence only. To curtail this, it is necessary to imbue security with philosophy, legislation and policy frameworks that captures and addresses the concerns of most Nigerians. For now, security is one additional dimension in the growing resource wars in Nigeria.


David C. Ononogbu (PhD)
Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka
daveononogbu@gmail.com; david.ononogbu@unn.edu.ng

History shows that Nigeria is prone to violent conflicts. Even when these conflicts cannot be reasonably justified or explained, they continue to happen in several shades of either political, religious, ethnic, economic and/or as a result of a combination of two or more of these factors. In the current dispensation, the life of the nation is being threatened and ravaged by resource-oriented conflicts between herdsmen and farmers. Obviously, there are many sides to each tale but the consequences are grim for the nation. For instance, the fact include that Nigeria is the ultimate loser because: first and most disheartening, human lives and property that often cannot be accurately quantified are lost in each case. Second, hours of manpower invested in both the livestock and the farmland/crops are irredeemably destroyed. Third, there is a high and growing level of mistrust, panic and fear among the citizenry. Fourth, the loss of lives and resources further exacerbate a growing scarcity of food, thereby entrenching more suffering for the masses. Finally, when a society is embroiled in conflict, it invariably means a lose-lose situation for everyone concerned. On another hand, it is crucial to note that the actors in these conflicts are almost always religious people in a nation where statistics report a healthy balance between the number of Christians and Muslims. Thus, it is either that Nigerians are bad ambassadors of the tenets of their faiths or possibly do not see enough to draw hope and unity from these tenets. For Christians, the Bible presents Jesus Christ as the Prince of peace. More so, in the Bible we find patterns for social harmony and good neighbourliness. Towards effective containment, therefore, this paper draws pragmatic strategies (praxis) from the Bible for conflict resolution and harmonious co-existence for the Nigerian contemporary society.


Blessing Nonye Onyima
Department of Sociology & Anthropology, Nnamdi Azikiwe
University, Awka, Nigeria.
bn.onyima@unizik.edu.ng & nonyelin2003@yahoo.com

Several reasons have been put forward for the increasing pastoral-farmer conflicts in Nigeria, ranging from over-grazing, search for pasture and water in new environments, extreme climatic changes like drought, among others. Using ethnographic research approach, the paper unravels other covert reasons for these land resource conflicts and explores the various existing conflicting relations within the Ibarapa pastoral environment, the actors and modes of resolution. The study employs the cultural ecological theory as explanatory framework, and ethnographic methods of participant observation, in-depth interviews, and focused group discussions as data collection tools, while thematic analysis was employed to ensure adequate extrapolations were made. Findings show covert intra-nomadic disputes and explicit pastoralists-farmer conflicts within the area. These conflicts have resulted to the construction and reconstruction of pastoralist identity in Nigeria. The conflicts are successfully locally managed through some internal conflict resolution mechanisms and that is why it has not escalated to outright massacre as is the case in other regions of Nigeria. The paper establishes that the solution to pastoral-farmers conflicts lies in reducing the contacts between the conflicting actors through adoption of more strategic measures that have the potential for migration reduction, crop increase and livestock productivity such as ranching. By so doing, contacts are eliminated without undermining the productive output of both local economies.


OSUALA, Uzoma Samuel (Ph.D.)
Department of History & International Studies, Federal University Lokoja,
Kogi State, Nigeria

The paper provides a historical narrative of the emergent contest for space between herdsmen and farmers within a dynamic and complex Nigerian nation plus the consequential trending food insecurity it portends. Central Nigeria is significant for food production in Nigeria. The region is fertile and home to farmers who depend so much on land for subsistent and large-scale farming. Regrettably, the region is engulfed by herdsmen attack on farmers and destruction of farm settlements. Hence, food production and farming, which serve as the peoples’ sources of livelihood and earnings, are endangered. The debate – contested space for cattle grazing and farming – has been swayed back and forth on print, visual and social media without finality. Therefore, the paper is a contribution to the narrative and interrogates food insecurity as one of the attendant problems emanating from the conflicts, if not addressed. The paper argues that establishment of ranches, sincerity of purpose and political clout from government to enforce relevant laws are possible lasting solutions. The approach adopts historical methodology employing primary and secondary sources in data collection.


Philippa C. Ojimelukwe
Department of Food Science and Technology
Michael Okpara University of Agriculture, Umudike, Abia State, Nigeria.

Nigeria is contending with malnutrition, food and nutrition insecurity, poverty and insecurity, despite her abundant natural resources. Valuable minerals and crude oil are found in various locations in Nigeria. The rain forest zones and savannah regions are blessed with lush vegetation. These natural resources, which are invaluable blessings, have been converted to objects for misunderstanding, violence, wars, killings and rancour. This paper reviews the effects of resource wars on food and nutrition security in Nigeria with particular emphasis on the grazing/crop farming natural resources; compares the situation with “resource curse” of several other countries and proffers suggestions on alternative measures that will promote improved food and nutrition security in Nigeria on a sustainable basis.


Preye Kuro Inokoba, PhD.
Department of Political Science, Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island
Bayelsa State

Academic scholarship and policy documents presently seem to be paying considerable attention to resource related armed conflicts especially in Africa. This in a way is understandable; resource wars are visible threat to national, sub- regional and global political economy, peace and security. Resources not only financed, but in some cases motivated conflicts, and shaped strategies of power based on the commercialisation of armed conflict and the territorialisation of sovereignty around valuable resource areas and trading networks. Though the relationship between natural resource wealth and the onset or duration of conflict remains a much debated topic in academic arena, the paper focused on the role governance plays in the natural resource-conflict nexus. The paper emphasised that most of the natural resource wars in Africa are largely attributable to unjust, exclusive, weak, unresponsive and ineffective governance policies and structures in the continent. To concretise our central objective, the oil resource conflict of the Niger Delta region was used as the paper’s case study. Our investigation of the Niger Delta conflict situation reveals that amongst several other drivers of the conflict, the nature of the Nigerian State and its unjust, unresponsive and ineffective governance structures play a principal role in the protracted and complex nature of the resource wars in the oil rich region.


Saheed Babajide Owonikoko, PhD
Centre for Peace and Security Studies
Modibbo Adama University of Technology, Yola, Adamawa State

Adamawa State in North Eastern Nigeria is one of the states currently experiencing the most horrendous manifestation of farmer-pastoralist conflicts in Nigeria. The conflict has claimed many lives and destroyed huge property. The conflict between the two agricultural groups—plant growers (farmers) and animal rearers (pastoralists) is much related to availability and use of land and water resources between the two groups within their localities. While the conflict is largely caused and driven by many factors including climate change and environmental degradation in the Lake Chad Region, gender differentiation and its attendant issues especially with regards to Adamawa State is a significant factor currently driving the conflict in the state. This, however, is yet to be discussed in literature on farmer-pastoralist conflict in Adamawa State and Nigeria in general. This paper examines how gender differentiation contributes to driving the conflict in Adamawa and the extent to which government response strategies have been able to address this factor. Findings from the paper are used to further interrogate gender roles in the outbreak and exacerbation of violent conflict. This paper essentially depends on field research carried out in 6 local government areas in Adamawa State namely; Numan, Demsa, Girei, Mubi North, Mubi South and Madagali LGAs.


Egodi Uchendu, Blessing Chinweobo-Onuoha & Ekene Uchendu
Departments of History & International Studies, Mass Communication
& Fine and Applied Arts, University of Nigeria Nsukka
ahrdc.unn@gmail.com & somikeenes@gmail.com

In August 2016 news filtered in of a midnight attack supposedly by herdsmen in Nrobo community of Uzouwani Local Government Area, Enugu State. This zone has been prone to herdsmen attacks for over a decade. Despite this, the community was taken unawares and an estimated 46 persons died in the process. The present study examined the circumstances surrounding that incident, the media treatment of that incident and the official and unofficial responses to it. The paper utilizes interviews of witnesses and survivors of the incidents along with print and electronic media reports.


Professor Ibrahim Maina Waziri
Department of History, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria

This paper intends to look at the various reasons given for the Boko Haram insurgency ranging from the tepries of conspiracy, religious fundamentalism, the demographic factor, the environmental degradation impact, the lack of good governance among others. It is in the context of the muddled myriad of theoretical postulations and the need for an articulate conceptual framework to address these contentions that a socio-economic control of human and material resources theory is adopted as an all encompassing postulate for this paper. In this regard, it is conceptualized that the Boko Haram crisis has a multi-dimensional basis that led to its emergence and can only be empirically assessed from such a perspective that will show the interactions between social belief system, which became radicalized with the implication of giving rise of identity crises as a result of varied reasons among which are the issues of lack of resources, or the misuse of the available resources in providing better self-sustaining human capital development and an efficient social and economic use of resource endowment to entrench peace and prosperity in the Northeast; indeed the Nigerian nation state.

SINCE 1956

Zara E. Kwaghe
Department of History and International Studies, Federal University Lafia

Nigeria is a country blessed with both renewable and non-renewable resources. At independence, many saw Nigeria as a prosperous nation capable of towing the lines of rapid development and eventually becoming a world power. This perception lies chiefly on the enormous deposit of renewable and non-renewable resources in Nigeria. Non-renewable resources such as petroleum and gas have provided Nigeria with huge wealth since the first discovery in 1956. However, unfortunately, the wealth derived from these non-renewable resources overtime was not equitably distributed due to mismanagement on the side of the government. This has led to challenges such as low levels of income, unemployment, social unrest, abject poverty, insecurity, slow pace of economic growth and national development and resource wars. This study discusses the impact of non-renewable resources on the nation’s progress and development. Qualitative analysis method was adopted and secondary data such as books, journals, unpublished thesis, among others, were utilised. The study concludes that inequitable distribution of national wealth has contributed to breaches of national peace and security.


Marshall A. Azeke PhD (Bonn)
Department of Biochemistry, Ambrose Alli University
Ekpoma, Nigeria

The agricultural history of Nigeria is intertwined with its political history. In trying to maximize the income from oil production and exportation, Nigeria has allowed the most important part of its economic activity—agriculture, to suffer due to constant interruption of good agricultural programmes and increased activities in the petroleum sector. For years, Nigeria’s oil-rich Niger-Delta region was the scene of repeated armed clashes among local residents, dissident groups, the military and police. The fighting has claimed many lives and sporadically disrupted the country’s main export sector. The unrest has been stoked by popular frustrations over poverty, pollution and heavy-handed security tactics. Another level of conflict in Nigeria is Herder-Farmer clash. Since the commencement of the Fourth Republic in 1999, farmer-herder violence has killed thousands of people and displaced tens of thousands more. It followed a trend in the increase of farmer- herder conflicts throughout much of the western Sahel, due to an expansion of agriculturist population and cultivated land at the expense of pasturelands; deteriorating environmental conditions, desertification and soil degradation; breakdown in traditional conflict resolution mechanisms of land and water disputes; and proliferation of small arms and crime in rural areas. The conflicts between the farmers and herders and between the Niger-Delta militants and the government are just few examples of the consequences of unpopular and improper agricultural policies and programmes. There were a number of agricultural development intervention experiments in the past, notably (i) Operation Feed the Nation, launched in 1976; (ii) River Basin and Rural Development Authorities, established in 1976; (iii) Green Revolution Programme, inaugurated in 1980; and (iv) The World Bank-funded Agricultural Development Projects. Lack of continuity resulted in the populace feeling marginalized and shortchanged. This paper highlights the opportunities in a well-articulated agricultural policy in reducing disenchantment with the Government and the attendant consequences.


Nora Lafi
Leibniz-Zentrum Moderner Orient, Berlin

The object of this article is to reflect on the evolution of conflictuality in the area between Sebha, Ghat, Djanet, Agadez, and Kano with a focus on the inertia of tensions of historical origin. In Ottoman times, the region was the object of a regulation that insisted on the importance of trade routes and in which merchants from the main caravan cities were active elements of governance and connection. In the 19th century, European powers began to challenge this organization from diverse sides, with the aim of not only to control territories but also to capture resources and trade routes. For this purpose, they played on existing tensions and rivalries that the former order generally managed to balance and accommodate. They also fuelled new conflicts, with the result of profound spatial, but also social reconfigurations. In this context, ethnic identities were also instrumentalized, with new definitions and new fields of social relevance. Focusing on the routes of communication and on the various cities of the area, the article, based upon the reading of local chronicles and of Ottoman and colonial archives, will propose a deciphering of such processes and an analysis of their inertia through the era of the national independences.


O. A. Irom
Department of History and International Studies, University of Calabar, Nigeria

Nigeria is a country rift with conflicts over land issues that have resulted in violent deaths. Adun and Okum are two of four clans that make up Obubra Local Government Area in Cross River State. Nigeria. Linguistically classified into the parent language stock called Benue-Congo sub-family, both speak the Mbembe language with dialect variations along with some other socio-cultural and political features which they share in common. Theirs is a land of conflict that has put both clans who share common territories in constant communal clashes especially during the beginning of farming seasons. To fully understand the lingering land conflict, which has resulted in violence, the paper examines the historical context in which this conflict was born and the current environment in which it continues to exist. Since it seems that this same territory shared by Adun and Okum is perceived differently by different people, depending on the side they are supporting, the paper employs the qualitative methodology of data gathering which emphasizes the study of human behaviour and attitudes in their neutral setting thus taking into consideration the individual experiences of Adun and Okum research participants. Land disputes are purely a kind of social conflict given their causes, form and net effects but because the theories behind land disputes are still limited and inconclusive and since this particular land dispute has become politicized it is difficult to lean the paper on a particular theory. The paper concludes that as a political issue Adun-Okum land disputes will be more difficult to resolve since political issues in Nigeria are linked to many other factors that are difficult to analyze.

A Panel Proposal

Olisa Muojama
Department of History, University of Ibadan

Resource wars are hot conflicts occasioned by a struggle to grab valuable resources. Many of the ethnic and sectarian clashes across the globe are over natural resources (oil and other mineral resources, water, timber, among others). The threat of climate change to planetary health and human survival has led to the prediction that resource wars would constitute the future of mankind. In the specific case of Nigeria, resource wars have been recorded in the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial periods. Available studies on resource conflicts in Nigeria have focused more attention on the Niger Delta militancy, which has been associated with oil conflict and have downplayed other aspects and domains of resource wars in Nigeria. Those that have examined other forms of resource wars in Nigeria, even though tangentially, have omitted the analysis of the political economy or the laws of motion of these crises. What are the economic and political forces at play in the emergence of resource wars? What are the domains of resource wars in Nigeria? What is the phenomenology of resource wars in Nigeria? And what are the legal frameworks for managing the resource wars in Nigeria? This panel will address these overarching questions by examining the social relations, particularly the power relations, of resource production, distribution and consumption, with a view to identifying the intersection and interaction of the economic forces with the political ream to the emergence and spread of resource wars in Nigeria. By so doing, the panel is constituted by four (4) papers, namely,

  • The Theory and Political Economy of Resource Wars: This is the introductory discourse of the panel. It situates the whole panel within appropriate theoretical and historical context. It aims to develop theoretical and empirical understanding of the connections between economics and politics in creating and managing the resource wars. Olisa Muojama, PhD, University of Ibadan
  • The Domains of Resource Wars in Nigeria: This paper examines the geography and spatial scope of resources wars in Nigeria……. Chukwuebuka Omeje, University of Ibadan
  • The Phenomenology of Resource War in Nigeria: This deals with the collective experience, manifestations and effects of the resource wars in Nigeria…… Sochi Rachel Ogbonna, University of Abuja
  • The Legal Framework for the Creation and Managing the Resource Wars in Nigeria: This looks at the legal framework of resource control, how it has contributed to the resource wars and the legal instruments of dealing with the causes and effects of the resource wars in Nigeria—– Bar. Uche Jerome Orji, PhD


David L. Imbua & Francis B. Adah
Department of History & International Studies, University of Calabar, Calabar

Based principally on primary data, this paper examines and analyses the paradox of opulence and penury at the famous Obudu Mountain Resort, a phenomenon that is increasingly fanning the ember of resource war in a previously peaceful part of Nigeria. Described as “Flagship of Nigeria’s Tourism” and the “Heart of Africa”, the Obudu Mountain Resort has a number of attractions that have drawn tourists from all corners of the world. The distinguishing features of the Resort which have endeared Presidents, Governors, Diplomats and other high-ranking officers include a breath-taking 32 u-bends, the longest cable car in Africa, nature canopy walkway, the Bebi Airstrip, 5 lane 170m long slide water park, presidential helipad, a 9-hole golf course, horse riding and cattle ranges. Unfortunately, however, the fame that the Resort has achieved at the world stage is not proportional to its impact on the host communities who have continued to lament abject poverty, environmental damage, lack of basic socio-economic infrastructure, and high rate of unemployment amidst great opulence and sophistication on the Resort. This paradox has at various times brought about youth restiveness in the area. It is important to move tourism at the Resort from its present ‘elitist’ status to the grassroots and thus provide a comprehensive, focused and massive funded development programme to the host communities. This is the surest way of preventing the outbreak of a full-brown resource war in the Obudu area of Cross River State.


Emmanuel Ibuot & Lambert Peter Ukanga
Humanities Unit, School of General Studies, University of Nigeria Nsukka
& Department of Philosophy, University of Nigeria Nsukka

From her independence on 1 October 1960 to present day, Nigeria’s developmental history has been marked by the recurrent decimal of resource wars. These internal battles, sometimes couched in ethno-religious parlance, revolving mostly around resource control, marginalization in resource allocation and, inequitable placement of political positions and other indicators of social imbalances have taken its toll on the socio-political economic organization of the Nigerian society. To foster a holistic development, this study investigates the root causes of these wars in 21st century Nigeria. It utilizes secondary sources while deploying Derrida’s deconstructive strategy to identify suppressed rationalizations that contribute not to harmony. This study uncovers the ideological roots that undergird disharmony in the Nigerian system, and proposes ways of curbing challenges to her healthy development.


Collins Ikenna Ugwu Ph.D
Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

In human history, there has always been one form of war or the other, including resource wars, leading to the wanton destruction of lives and property. This ugly global phenomenon also happens in Nigeria. For instance, there are two major resource wars in Nigeria – war over oil and Herder/Farmer wars, which have taken more deadly dimensions in recent times. In fact, the much-talked-about insecurity in Nigeria is basically about the Herder/Farmer clashes and the Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East. While acknowledging the political measures deployed to contain the situation, this paper throws up solutions from the religious perspective, to complement the existing measures which have largely proven to be inadequate. First, resource wars occurred during the time of Abraham. However, he averted the violent consequences by the peaceful mechanism he adopted. This peaceful mechanism can be applied to the Nigerian situation, especially considering the religious deposition of Nigerians. Thus, this biblical and pragmatic model outlined in the Bible can be implemented in the search for peace and reconciliation. To achieve the aim of this paper which is to sift and recommend to the Nigerian experience, historical and hermeneutical methodology was engaged.


Chukwuemeka Agbo
Department of History, University of Texas at Austin, USA

The abolition of slavery in Britain and all its dependencies in 1833 led to serious campaigns against the institution and practice of slavery in Eastern Nigeria. No doubt, the archives show that slavery continued in Eastern Nigeria until the mid- twentieth century. Nevertheless, the British colonial government did not relent in its effort to end slavery in the region. With the proclamation of the end of slavery in Eastern Nigeria, slaves were made to understand that their former owners no longer had the same rights and authority they had over them before the abolition. While slave owners were still grappling with the implications of losing their investments in slaves, they were confronted with yet another challenge. Ex-slaves began to lay claims and demand that their owners whose lands they worked under the institution of slavery cede portions of those lands to them to enable them start life as free people. Thus, began a series of resource wars between slaves and their owners in different parts of Eastern Nigeria. To stop these wars and restore law and order to these communities, the colonial government in Eastern Nigeria responded to the problem in different ways. They formulated policies, imposed sanctions, and took drastic steps on the people. These steps played significant roles in ending the war for resources between the parties. In view of the eruption of similar wars in different parts of Nigeria, this paper asks two significant questions: how did the colonial government end similar cases of resource wars in Eastern Nigeria? What insights can Nigeria in the twenty-first century draw from these approaches in its quest to find solutions to prevalent resource wars in the country?


Ojike, Onyekwere
Agricultural and Bioresources Engineering, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

In this study different physical models of passive solar crop dryers have been presented as a way of mitigating ever increasing rate of herdsmen/farmers clash. The models are the integral, distributed and the mixed-mode solar crop dryers. One good thing about these dryers is that they require no convectional energy to operate them, cost effective, easy to construct and maintain. From literature these systems have proven to dry crops faster and more hygienic in operation than open sun drying system. Use of these dryers by farmers in restive areas due to farmers/herdsmen crises will help to calm the situation down as farmers will feel comfortable having harvested their crop produce early and then properly drying them to safe storing conditions for preservation. Hence, government should consider incorporating the establishment of solar crop dryers for farmers as part of the millennium development goals (MDG).


Olihe A. Ononogbu (PhD)
Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria, Nsukka,
oolihe@yahoo.com & olihe.ononogbu@unn.edu.ng

Ethnic identity should be a catalyst for national and sustainable development, yet in Nigeria it has become an excuse for violent conflicts and bitter rivalry. Little wonder, Nigeria is crises-prone because there is always a struggle between the ethnic groups on who gets what. As such, corporate or national interest is generally sacrificed for regional and ethnic interests. Again, the struggle for resources often fractures national peace and take on life-threatening dimensions. This paper argues that as long as this continues, national unity will never be realized because the interests of groups supersede that of the state and the separatist movements will continue to tear the nation apart. The paper further argues that the inclination to ethnic groups/regions rather than nationality has affected development and growth in Nigeria and encouraged various forms of conflict. It relies on documentary evidence through which data were generated for the validation of its hypothesis. The ethnic competition theory was the framework of analysis. The paper recommends that government should create efficient parameters to manage these agitations, avoid favouritism and adopt frameworks which ensure that every region is accommodated while resource control is practiced in its true sense. This will invariably place Nigeria on the path of sustainable development.


Emmanuel M. Akpabio
Geography & Natural Resources Management, University of Uyo, Nigeria &
Geography & Environmental Sc., School of Social Sciences, University of Dundee, UK
Ubong Hezekiah Udoudom
Department of Geography, University of Lagos, Akoka, Nigeria
emakpabio@yahoo.com & ubongudoudom93@gmail.com

Water touches on every aspect of human livelihoods, economic development and environmental sustainability. Its quantity, quality, movement, control over allocation and access and management involve geopolitical, cultural-ecological, socio-economic, technological considerations. The landscape of water consists of diverse actors and stakeholders with competing interests, visions and power, raising the potential for conflicts over access, allocation and management. Several studies have contended that the next world war will likely be fought over water, drawing on evidence from transboundary river conflicts and associated diplomatic tension, increasing scarcity currently complicated by climate change and struggles for access and control and associated social protests against hegemonic and neoliberal politics. Studies rarely focus attention to understanding the dynamics of small-scale water related struggles and conflicts at national and sub-national levels. Common experiences in Nigeria, for instance, could be understood from the perspectives of herdsmen-farmer conflicts over water, regular citizens’ struggles in urban and scarcity-prone areas over access, social tension often linked to neoliberal policies associated with privatizing, commercializing and deregulating water resources, and the impacts of large water infrastructures on local ecologies and socio-economic activities, among several others. Given that water and society are highly interconnected, we are trying to develop a better understanding of such relationship and their potential for generating conflicts over space and time in Nigeria. Our discussions are organized around the various manifestations of complex forms of urban water struggles, contestations characterizing shared rivers and their boundaries; tension associated with meeting the competing water needs of different socio-economic and occupational groups; conflicts engendered by water scarcity problems; and many forms of social protests linked to dissonant public policy agenda on water resources management, among several others. We draw on the concept of ‘hydrosocial territories’ to argue that the landscape of water resources is imbricated with power, and the manner such power is exercised (in forms of control over access and allocation) has the potential to generate conflicts. We conclude that public policies should urgently be directed at framing appropriate policies to address the factors that are likely to catalyse water conflicts in Nigeria.


Dr. Ezinne Ezepue
Theatre and Film Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

The creative artist’s contribution to national issues is embedded in his work of art. Film is an avenue through which the filmmaker, as a creative artist, mediates on occurrences within the society. In documentary films, he achieves this through what Bill Nichols calls voice of the documentary. The voice is a medium through which a film communicates its point of view to an audience. It is the manner in which it arranges or organises its content. Established in documentary films, voice has remained rarely explored in non documentary films. This paper attempts to identify the voice in Black November, a film that details the horrors of life in Nigeria’s Niger-Delta. Continuous oil spillage pollutes its environment and devastates its lands, contributing to the nation’s dismal average life expectancy of forty-seven years, and consistent uprisings that claim lives and wreck physical, emotional, financial and infrastructural havoc on the land and people. This paper investigates the film’s manner of speaking to its viewers and how its contents are organized to address the issue of grievances over natural resource, its allocation and impact on lives and society. Its purpose is to discover how the creative artist deliberates on resource war and its implication on the well being of individuals, groups and nation at large.


Michael Chukwudebele & Emmanuel Enemchukwu
Department of History and International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka
chukwudebelem@gmail.com & nnaemekaclassic@gmail.com

Since 1956 when crude oil exploration took off in commercial quantity in Oloibiri, in the present day Bayelsa state; the area and its neighboring states that make up the Niger Delta region have not fully enjoyed the dividends of the venture. This is evidenced by the slow rate of development in the region, and the unchecked alarming growth of corruption in the country. In an effort to cushion the plight of the people of the region, several commissions and agencies had been set up by the government to provide a way out in alleviating the plight. On a close scrutiny of these commissions and agencies, one could easily observe that they are yet to fully achieve the purpose for which they were created. This paper would show that the revenue allocation formula in Nigeria, more than anything else, plays a significant role in aggravating Niger Delta militancy in the country. The paper utilized primary and secondary materials, and employed Frustration-Aggression theory of in the analysis.


Christopher Uchechukwu Ifeagwu (Ph.D Candidate)
Department of History and International Studies, University of Jos, North Central Nigeria

This study is a valuable contribution to knowledge on the Wukari conflicts. The study of the Wukari conflicts was undertaken through the spectacle of the structural conflict theory. The study located the persistent cause of conflicts in this area, especially between 1991 and 2013, on contestation for land as a resource factor. The author argues that the imbalanced social, political and economic structures created by the colonial masters and the sustenance/ continuation of these structures through events in years after the colonial era, which are ridden with political, social and economic exclusion; injustice, poverty, exploitation, domination of one class by another and the like, instilled in the people the contestation for economic benefits derivable from agriculture. Thus, the people abandoned their erstwhile agricultural production for communal benefit for economic benefits or profit making. Land became a very important factor of production. As population swelled and land remained fixed, it was only natural to exclude others from its usage, hence the violent relationship that followed unabated. Finally, the challenges and effects of these conflicts to the Wukari people, Taraba State and Nigeria/Nigerians in general were also exposed. The government, civil societies and individuals should, thus, rise up to the occasion and address these structural defects in the Wukari area so as to check the continuing challenges posed by these conflicts. To achieve these, the writer employed the historical research methodology which comprises the use of such primary sources of data as oral interviews, archival materials and gazettes; and secondary sources of data, which include published and unpublished materials; journals and newspapers/magazines, for this study.